President Muhammadu Buhari’s rise to power is a parable of tenacity 
and the happy pendulum of fate. No one counted on him at one time. His 
big and mighty foes feared his appeal. They waited for his venom to 
expire. Before the expiration date, however, he struck.
Then those who pooh-poohed him, who sneered that he was no more than a
 grand and populist irritation, began to see him as the wisdom of the 
hour.
They no longer flaunted their superior airs and credentials. Rather, 
they flocked to him.  They morphed into cheerleaders and wiggled their 
waists in the same band. But they rehearsed a different genre of music.
When it was time to sing, their incongruous tunes collapsed under the throaty sonority of the majority.
Now the majority’s symphony fell silent, we started to hear the dissonance of toads and crocodiles.
Nothing tells this story more than the ambitions and cynicisms of 
three men. The first is the Owu chief, Olusegun Obasanjo, the 
peripatetic harlot of Nigerian politics, Atiku Abubakar, and the Kwara 
renegade, Bukola Saraki.
As for the rise of Buhari, it calls back the lives of  Abraham 
Lincoln, Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle. All three were 
outsiders of the vortex of power. In the case of Lincoln, he was too 
tall, ungainly and ill bred. Churchill was a loud mouth, boor and 
subversive. In fact, former United States president, Richard Nixon, 
noted in his memoirs that he drew inspiration from Churchill. His 
obituary was written off late in his life in the House of Commons. He 
turned out to be the greatest prime minister in memory.
As for de Gaulle, he was an outcast in an age of national treachery 
when Petain and other French leaders sold the pride and birthright of 
France to the butchery of Nazi Germany. His contemporaries regarded de 
Gaulle as rebellious, foolish and puerile. Churchill plotted to fly him 
out of Paris in the turbulent flush of the blitzkrieg. Churchill 
remarked that de Gaulle’s soul encased the French pride in that flight 
of escape.
Once these men became their nations’ leaders, they waxed from pariahs
 to messiahs. All who looked down on them later bowed. Those who did not
 bow wheeled into subterranean intrigues and acts of subversion. They 
wanted to torpedo the popular will.
The APC crisis is still called crisis in spite of what some of its 
leaders call reconciliation. It is the act of papering over the cracks. 
The men who do not wish the party well only wish for the party their 
ambition. They do not love Buhari. They only sat in the train or rode in
 the same carriage because he was the only one in whose company they 
could clutch their selfish dreams.
Their schemes are coming home to roast, not roost.
Their plan was simple. Let us win in the Senate, make it a fate 
accompli. Later, we can con the president onboard. They took the 
president for a simpleton. Atiku formed the dubious coalition with 
Saraki and Obj because of the ambitions of 2019. The man who won 2015 
has not settled down to office, their 2019 ambitions want to unsettle 
his administration.
Yet we know that Obj, Atiku and Saraki are strange bedfellows. They 
are too ambitious for their own good. An Obj will not endorse an Atiku 
ambition. Atiku knows this. Saraki, for whatever egoistic delusion, 
thinks he can be Nigeria’s president.
But in all these, they want to throw cats in the pigeons of the 
president. After causing confusion, they want to present themselves as 
angels of peace. That is the so-called reconciliation move. It is 
capital self-delusion and hypocrisy. They want reconciliation without 
truth.
They say the Lawan and Gbajabiamila groups should accept the fait 
accompli of Dogarra and Saraki leaderships in the National Assembly. 
Now, how do they want to explain two irrationalities. One, the party 
arrived at one candidate. Saraki defied it, plotted with the enemy, 
waylaid the party and disgraced the majority vote. They forget that 
Lawan was Buhari’s candidate. After the fact, the governors of the party
 tried to save face. How do you live with the fact that a party decides 
something, some members flout it, and no penalties are imposed. Does 
that not turn the party into an impunity machine? Was that not one of 
the capital reasons the PDP was flushed out on March 28? Is the APC not 
going back to its vomit by starting off embracing the enemy’s mistake?
All those behind Atiku, Saraki and Obj want to wield their influence 
to let the matter slide. Well, they won but it does not feel like 
victory. That is why they keep calling for peace. In spite of that, they
 show their true colours. Saraki said recently that inability of some 
state governments to pay salaries could be traced to corruption. Saraki 
has no right to talk on corruption until the charges hanging over his 
head are cleared. He cannot vault himself into sainthood overnight. He 
became Senate president on a corrupt lie, overthrowing the party 
convention. His is a victory without honour. That is why he remains the 
Kwara renegade.
That leads to the second point. If they wanted reconciliation, why 
did Saraki and Dogarra spurn the party letter? The argument that the law
 is more important than the party is a self-serving line. The law towers
 above all, but law is itself based on honour. When we manipulate the 
law and defrock it of honour, we work against the very spirit of law. 
That was what the Saraki group did. It is haunting them, and it will 
haunt them forever. Reconciliation without truth is going to the future 
without memory. It is like pursuing an end without a beginning. If we 
reach where we are going without knowledge of where we are coming from, 
we will not know why we started the journey.
Last weekend featured the 20th anniversary of the Srebrenica 
massacre. The speakers, including former President Clinton, stressed the
 need for reconciliation but it must be based on truth. We cannot wish 
truth over unresolved issues. It is like prospering on a lie. In South 
Africa, truth was sought before reconciliation. Nobel Prize winner J.M. 
Coetzee’s novel Disgrace tapped into the theme of truth and 
reconciliation by looking into the story of a professor who takes 
advantage of a female student and thinks he can get away with it by 
merely leaving his job. He spends the rest of his life grappling with 
the consequences. Booker Prize novelist Kazuo Ishiguro’s new novel, The 
Buried Giant, looks at the unresolved crisis of the birth of Britain to 
show how a past of division cannot be glossed over by mere prosperity. 
The author referred to Bosnia, Kosovo, the second World War, etc, as 
some of the inspiration for the work, a fantasy of gnomes, elves, 
dragons, etc.
Part of Nigeria’s problem is that we have not resolved many issues 
and we move on. But we never move on, and unresolved issues haunt us 
always, so woes pile on woes in our national life.
Obj, Saraki and Atiku have a choice. They have to decide whether they
 belong to APC or they want to form an alliance to form another party. 
Atiku has PDM that never wins anything, and he cannot stand on his own. 
He has to play whore with others to get something. In his present style 
and content, he has not, and he never will, be Nigeria’s president.
The choice still dangles before this group and their men. It will 
determine whether they want to work with Buhari or stalemate him.

 
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